The Colonizer and the Colonized by Albert Memmi
Distinguishing colonization from infection is an important factor in making the correct the relationship between Group A Streptococcus invasive disease and . Without the colonized there wouldn't be the colonizer. Vice versa. This relationship of mutual need is only broken down by radical change. Radical Change. A high-level overview of French and Dutch efforts at early colonization. for their pelts, French and Dutch colonizers cultivated friendly relationships with Native.
This was the case with the British campaign against Asante in —01, with the subjugation of the Sierra Leone protectorate in —99, and above all, perhaps, with the advance of British power into the densely populated Igbo and Tiv territories, which was hardly complete until as late as He came from a family of Dyula traders and soldiers, and the principles of his government recalled those of ancient Mali rather than of the jihad empires.
Samory established his network of military and political control over territories long subject to Mande commercial penetration and settlement, and a number of campaigns had to be fought against him until he was finally captured and exiled by the French in Once the superior firepower and organization of the Europeans had secured their military supremacy, they were faced with an even larger problem; namely, how the small forces they commanded were to maintain a permanent occupation and effective control over the vast territories they had overrun.
Lugard, for instance, had conquered the Sokoto empire with only about 3, soldiers, only of whom were Europeans, and to administer his northern Nigerian colony of somesquare miles and 10 million people he had a civil establishment of only Europeans. This kind of situation persisted almost throughout the colonial period.
At the end of the s, for example, the European establishment available to the British governor of the Gold Coast to control nearly four million people was only It is obvious, then, that the conquerors were often very slow to extend effective rule throughout their empires, and particularly to those parts of them that were most remote, presented serious political problems, or seemed least profitable. Initial difficulty of European administration No European control could be exercised without the cooperation of large numbers of Africans.
This was secured in two ways. First, just as the Europeans had relied on Africans for the rank and file of their armies and police, so their administrations and economic enterprises could not function without a host of Africans employed as clerks, messengers, craftsmen of all kinds, and labourers.
All of this employment offered new opportunities to Africans, and to ensure an efficient labour force all European administrations began to supplement and develop the schools begun by the missionaries. As well as recruiting and training large numbers of Africans as auxiliaries in all spheres of European activity, the colonial powers also came to rely on African chiefs as essential intermediaries in the chain of authority between the colonial governments and their subjects at large.
Both the French and the British colonial regimes were essentially hierarchical. The administration of each colony was entrusted to a governor who was responsible to a colonial minister in the government in Europe in the French case, via a governor-general at Dakar.
These governors were assisted by senior officials and a secretariat in the colonial capital, and their decisions and orders were transmitted for implementation to provincial and district commissioners. A district officer, however, could not deal directly with each of the tens, or even hundreds, of thousands of Africans in his care.
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He therefore gave orders either to the traditional chiefs or to Africans who had been recognized as local rulers by his government, and these intermediaries passed them on to the people at large. In this connection a difference of theory began to be discernible between French and British policy. The French regarded the local African chiefs as the lowest elements in a single administrative machine. This administration was to be conducted on entirely French lines.
Indirect rule was neither a new nor a specifically British expedient. Maclean had been an indirect ruler on the Gold Coast in the s; Goldie had proposed indirect rule for the empire his Royal Niger Company had hoped to conquer; and, in the early days of their expansion, the French had often had no alternative but to seek to control their newly won territories through the agency of the African governments they had conquered. Once they were firmly established, however, the French almost invariably moved away from the practice.
The British, on the other hand, evolved a theory of indirect rule that they tried to apply systematically to their colonies during the first half of the 20th century.
This was largely due to the influence of Lugard. In —06 he had seen no other way to control the vast population in northern Nigeria, whose rulers he had defeated, and he had subsequently been promoted governor-general —19 of a united Nigeria, which was by far the most important British colony in Africa.
Period 2: 1607-1754
After his retirement to Britain, he became a dominating influence on the formation of colonial administrative policy, so that indirect rule became accepted as the ideal philosophy of government for British tropical Africa. Not all areas of western Africa were as suitable for Lugardian indirect rule as northern Nigeria. Lugard himself experienced considerable problems in trying to apply it to the largely chiefless societies of eastern Nigeria and to the Yoruba of the southwest, where authority and law were not as clear-cut.
In the Gold Coast indirect rule proved more acceptable to the Asante than the direct rule imposed after the conquest of — Farther south, however, the Western-style economy and modes of thought had made such inroads that there were endless problems in the implementation of indirect rule, and the full constitutional apparatus for it was hardly installed until the s.
The development of indirect rule also implied a contradiction with an earlier tradition of British colonial government, that of the colonial legislative council. The governors of British colonies were allowed more initiative than French governors and were supposed to exercise this in the interests of their individual territories insofar as these did not contradict the overriding British interest.
The institution of the legislative council had evolved from experience with settler colonies outside Africa; when such councils were introduced into tropical Africa from the s onward, most of their members were colonial officials.
However, 19th-century colonial officials, traders, and professionals were almost as likely to be black as white, and the early legislative councils were by no means ineffective vehicles for the expression of African interests and of criticisms of British policy. It was thus possible both for the British and for the educated African elite in their colonies to view the legislative councils as embryo parliaments that would eventually become composed of elected African members who would control the executive governments, which would themselves, through the growth of education in the colonies, become more and more composed of African officials.
Although very little thought was given to the matter, because it was supposed that the development might take centuries, it was supposed that the British colonies in Africa would follow the example of Canada and Australia and ultimately emerge as self-governing members of the empire. The equally remote future for the French colonies, on the other hand, was thought to be the acculturation assimilation of their people, so that ultimately they would all become full French citizens, the colonies would be integrated with metropolitan France, and the African citizens would share equally with the French-born in its institutions.
Both of these ideals were more appropriate to the colonial situations in western Africa before the great scramble for territory that began inwhen the colonies were comparatively small territories in which European influence had been slowly but steadily gaining ground for a considerable period. They were effectively shelved when it came to grappling with the problem of governing the enormously greater numbers of Africans without any real previous contacts with European ways who were quickly brought under colonial rule in the years after Byout of an estimated 15 million people under French rule in western Africa, only some 80, were citizens, and only 2, of these had acquired their citizenship by means other than the accident of birth in one of the four communes.
In the British colonies, however, where the legislative councils were already a reality, there was a dichotomy between them and the institution of indirect rule.
Initially, insofar as this was resolved at all, it was at the expense of the development of the legislative councils. It was not until that any elected members appeared in the councils, and they remained for a generation a small proportion of the total unofficial membership, chosen only by tiny electorates in a few coastal towns.
For the rest, the African population remained firmly under British control through the mechanism of indirect rule. The implication was not only that the norms of African society and political behaviour were far removed from those of western Europe but also that the British had by no means accepted that African society and politics would or should evolve in that direction.
Those few Africans who had become educated and acculturated in Western ways were not thought to be representative of the mass.
There was a move to exclude local Africans from the colonial administration, which became regarded as a professional service, liable to serve anywhere in Africa, with the role of holding the ring until, in some unexplained fashion, the native administrations under indirect rule had developed sufficiently to make British control superfluous. Colonial rule In fact, of course, the very existence of colonial rule meant that the fabric of African societies was exposed to alien forces of change of an intensity and on a scale unparalleled in the previous history of western Africa.
Hitherto remote territories like Niger and Mauritaniawhere there had been very little change since the introduction of Islam, were from about suddenly caught up in the same tide of aggressive material changes that had for some time been affecting the coastal societies in Senegal or in the southern Gold Coast and Nigeria. From the African point of view, there was little to choose between the European colonial powers. Portugal, despite the fact that it was virtually bankrupt at the onset of the colonial period, was as significant a bringer of change as France, Germany, and Britain.
Its African American ruling elite were orphaned members of a very rapidly changing Western society, who felt it essential to impose its ethos on black Africa. While colonial administrators often had a narrow, 19th-century concept of government as an arbiter, rather than as an active protagonist of change, the Liberians felt a need actively to enlist the support of Western capital and enterprise if they were to consolidate their rule over African peoples and to maintain the independence of their republic.
The country was now supplied with a sure access to world trade, and its government with the means to achieve a stable revenue. The evident dangers that Liberia might become too dependent on a single export crop, and that it and its administration might become sole fiefs of the American company, began to disappear when during World War II U.
By the s Liberia was on the way to becoming one of the richer western African countries, and the ruling elite began to feel sufficiently secure to share both some of its political power and some of its prosperity with the native peoples.
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A cardinal rule for all colonial administrations in Africa before the s was that colonies ought not to be a financial burden on the metropolitan governments and their taxpayers: So long as such a doctrine was maintained, it was impossible for any but the richest colonial administrations to devise coherent plans for the economic development of their territories; indeed, prior to the s, the colonial government of the Gold Coast was virtually unique in putting forward such a plan, and then only in the s, which were by and large exceptionally prosperous years.
The principal sources of revenue were 1 duties on the trade entering and leaving the territory and 2 direct taxation usually a poll tax or hut tax. But only those coastal colonies that had already entered the world economy prior to about had much in the way of trade on which customs duties might be levied or a sufficient internal production of commodities and circulation of money to produce any significant income from direct taxation.
Other territories—such as British northern Nigeria, or the French colonies of the Sudan Mali and Niger—could not really provide enough revenue to support even the most essential administrative services, such as policing or—for that matter—tax gathering. For some time, therefore, these administrations were in receipt of grants-in-aid from some central source, and it was an attempt to shift this burden from metropolitan resources that as much as anything led the French in to bring together their western African colonies under a government general and that led Lugard to argue for the unification of the Nigerian colonies, which he eventually achieved in — In each case it seemed advisable to use some of the comparatively buoyant revenues of the coastal territories to subsidize the administrations of those in the interior.
It was obvious enough that what was needed was to increase the European commercial penetration of western Africa.
Multiple Choice Quiz 1
But only the prospect of the most lucrative prizes could induce private European investors to place substantial amounts of capital in Africa in advance of adequate European administrations that could guarantee the safety and security of their investments and in advance of the economic infrastructures that would ensure their efficient deployment.
The only lure that really operated to attract European investment in advance of the provision of such services was the prospect of rich mineral deposits. The possibilities of diamond mining in Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast were not really recognized until the s. In effect then, it was only the gold of the Gold Coast and Asante forests and, to a lesser extent, the tin of the Bauchi plateau in central Nigeria, that attracted the early attention of European investors.
Modern methods of gold mining first began to be employed on the Gold Coast as early asbut the industry could not make much headway before By that time the colonial government had taken the decisive steps of defeating Asante, beginning to build a railway system, and establishing an effective civil administration in the relevant areas, which could ensure proper land surveys and some means of controlling and adjudicating disputes over the ownership of land and the validity of concessions of it.
Bauchi tin mining began much later, inbut similar, if less acute, difficulties prevented much progress before Despite their poverty, and despite the risk of saddling the home governments and taxpayers with unwanted expenditure, colonial governments found that there was no alternative to their providing the basic infrastructures needed by the vast territories they claimed to rule.
It was impossible to wait for private European enterprise to provide railways, harbours, telegraph lines, roads, medical services, schools, and all the other things that were needed to support an effective government, let alone to provide some possibility of economic growth sufficient to pay for better government.
French territories The problems facing the French were much more formidable than those facing the British. The British colonies were essentially based on territories close to the sea, in which European trade had been long established and whose African peoples were already accustomed to producing for the world market.
The French had such a colony in Senegal, but from this they had expanded over vast, remote, and thinly populated territories that required very considerable investment before they could be efficiently administered or developed. By and large the French public had appreciably less capital to invest overseas than the British public had. As early as work was begun on a railway to link the heads of navigation of the two rivers at Kayes and at Bamako which became the capital of the French Sudan.
The construction of an effective west—east transport system from the coast to the upper Niger thus took some 42 years to complete, and the only part of it that was profitable was that serving the peanut-growing areas of Senegal. There was a lag of some 20 years after before the thinly populated and impoverished French Sudan could respond to the stimulus of its improved communications with the outside world. Indeed the only major crop developed for the world market that could withstand the high costs of transport to the coast—over some miles of railway—was cotton, and that only after considerable further investment in irrigation.
Ultimately the main economic role of the Sudan was to provide foodstuffs for Senegal, whose peasant farmers found it more profitable to concentrate on growing peanuts for export. By French economic strategy had shifted from the concept of opening up the inland territories of the French Sudan, Upper Volta, and Niger, to the encouragement of agricultural production in the coastal colonies.
To a limited extent, the way was pioneered by European plantations, more especially perhaps in the Ivory Coast. If a child develops an upper respiratory tract infection while colonized with S pneumoniae, H influenzae or M catarrhalis, they may develop acute otitis media or sinusitis with the colonizing strain. Antibiotics may eradicate the strain, but they may also increase the risk of the child being colonized with a different organism that is resistant to the antibiotic that was chosen 2.
Approximately one-third of adults are persistently colonized with Staphylococcus aureus 5with the highest concentration of organisms in the respiratory tract being in the nasopharynx. Colonization of the skin and the nasophaynx can occur shortly after birth. Colonization with S aureus precedes most invasive diseases caused by S aureus osteomyelitis, cellulitis or pneumoniabut such conditions are so rare that eradication could never be justified in an attempt to prevent them. Eradication may be useful in preventing infection of indwelling venous catheters or wound infections in patients undergoing invasive procedures 6.
Other possible indications for eradication are if a health care worker is a carrier of methicillin-resistant S aureus MRSAor if an MRSA carrier has a chronic severe disease and is therefore likely to spend long periods in strict isolation if they remain colonized. However, the reason to attempt eradication is for infection control purposes, because the risk of invasive disease is very low.
Viruses and fungi can also be detected in the upper respiratory tract. Traditional respiratory viruses adenovirus, influenza, parainfluenza virus, respiratory syncytial virus and rhinovirus are almost always pathogens if detected anywhere in the respiratory tract, although they sometimes result in only minor signs or symptoms. Furthermore, there is some evidence that parainfluenza virus can persist for weeks following acute infection 7.
Herpes simplex virus can cause stomatitis, but reactivation of this and other herpes viruses, such as Epstein Barr virus and cytomegalovirus, can result in asymptomatic shedding in the pharynx and mouth, which is of no significance. Candida species can be part of normal gastrointestinal flora from mouth to anus, with thrush occuring when the concentration of organisms in the mouth is high.
Growth of Candida from the upper respiratory tract usually implies that a sample is contaminated with mouth flora. It is thought that the lower respiratory tract should be sterile and, therefore, any organism detected there is a pathogen. However, molecular techniques allow for the detection of much lower concentrations of organisms than traditional culture techniques 8and it may eventually become evident that asymptomatic colonization also occurs in the lower respiratory tract.